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War challenges racism
Shouldn’t Congressional Black Caucus speak for
Black America?
By BUD JOHNSON
African-American News&Issues
“Many African Americans were understandably
ambivalent about World War II. Black Americans who had committed themselves
wholeheartedly to the “war for democracy” returned from World War I to find
the Klan marching in Washington and segregation undiminished. Now the
government asked them to risk their lives in a war against Nazi racism
abroad, while in many parts of their own country, American law forced them
into separate and distinctly unequal facilities. Even the armed forces,
within which African-Americans were supposed to strike their blows for
democracy, maintained strict segregation, with African-Americans generally
relegated to service and support jobs.
“Why should they fight to secure foreigners’ rights that they could not
enjoy at home? Despite these misgivings about the righteousness of the
cause, more than 700,000 African- Americans served in the military. The
challenge for African-American leaders was to remind White Americans that a
struggle for racial justice abroad must inevitably lead to a closer look at
injustice at home. The documents here demonstrate some of the efforts made
by both White and Black leaders to build support for the war in the
African-American community, as well as the intense frustrations that
persistent segregation at home and in the military produced. Outside the
military, nearly two million African Americans found jobs in wartime
industries. But there too, segregation persisted.
“Roosevelt needed the votes and the labor of African Americans, and so when
A. Philip Randolph threatened a march on Washington, Roosevelt had to take
notice. A lifelong socialist and labor organizer, Asa Philip Randolph served
officially as the president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, a
strong, almost entirely African-American, union. Benjamin McClaurin, in an
interview with William Ingersoll in 1960 for the Columbia Oral History
Project, recalls how Randolph, touring the South during the war, decided
“something has to be done to get Negroes to participate in a program.”
Randolph’s plan, a mass march on Washington by at least 50,000 Black
Americans, would specifically protest segregation in wartime industries.
“Fearful of such a march, Roosevelt agreed to meet with Randolph and
McClaurin in the White House in June 1941. After meeting with the Black
leader, President Roosevelt enacted Executive Order 8022 in June 1941. This
landmark order established the Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC),
which was charged with investigating claims of racial discrimination in
government jobs and wartime industries.
“Though it was suspended in 1946, the FEPC helped pave the way for later
government interventions on behalf of civil rights. It also helped convince
African Americans that there might be some hope for improvement through an
activist government, especially after Randolph used similar tactics to
pressure Harry Truman.
“Grudgingly, Truman finally revoked segregation in the armed forces in 1948.
In both the political and the cultural arena, during World War II, African
Americans challenged the legal and customary limits on their participation
as equal members of American society. As World War II exposed the hypocrisy
of American racism more sharply, it allowed African Americans to build a
foundation for attacking segregation and racial inequality in the postwar
era.”
The foregoing text is an excerpt gleaned from the Center for History and New
Media’s treatise, Mobilizing African-Americans For War, for the edification
of made-in-American-Africans who demonized Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee
for organizing 50 “peace-minded Democrats” to oppose Bush’s war resolution.
“She’s wrong for playing politics when we’re at war. We must stand
together,” lamented several callers to Person-to-Person on KCOH radio (1430
AM), after Lee said she would be willing to go to Iraq and stand in front of
the tanks to convince Bush to find a more humane way to remove Saddam. After
Lee’s bold statement, on Lisa Berry-Dockery’s Saturday morning show, a
caller, apparently assuming she was speaking metaphorically, playfully
ragged, “I hope you don’t do that Mrs. Lee, because they sure would blow you
away and we need you here.” Without any hint of humor, the 18th
Congressional District representative affirmed, “No, I’m speaking from my
heart.”
Sheila has always been a truly committed public servant, thus, it greatly
disturbed African American News& Issues to hear history illiterate Black
folks condemn her for the nerve and verve to speak for the majority of her
constituency. Rep. Jim Marshall, a Democrat from Georgia used an obscure
House rule to cancel the caucus meeting. An angry John Lewis, D-Georgia,
said, “In all good conscience, I cannot and will not vote for a resolution
that supports and endorses a failed policy that led to war.” After a 392-11
House and 99-0 Senate vote, John Conyers, D- Mich., who voted against the
resolution said, “I trust the people to see though this attempt to coerce
endorsement of his preventive war doctrine.”
Political grandstanding aside, Berry-Dockery rebutted, “I’ve known Sheila
for a long time and I never seen her more serious about anything.” Rep. Gene
Green, D-Houston rationalized, “There are members who feel, once hostilities
started, we ought not talk about opposition. We don’t want to make the
troops feel like there’s any dissension about the job they’re expected to
do.” Since Green can’t speak from a historically Black perspective, he’s
obviously speaking strictly for his district. Sheila, however, was speaking
for a majority of her constituency that views the war from a historically
Black perspective. Furthermore, as Texas’ widest circulated newspaper with a
Black perspective and the uncompromising voice of Black America, we have her
back.
Ergo, AAN&I will go on record to say that any CBC member who didn’t have her
back shouldn’t masquerade as Black America’s representatives. In essence,
any Black politician who doesn’t realize the best time to negotiate is when
we have bargaining power, don’t understand the game well enough to play
politics and certainly can’t speak for Black America. More succinctly,
history records the best time to challenge institutionalized racism is when
there’s a war going on. That’s the only time America’s greedy power brokers
heed us, because they need us. Especially our children, to fight, bleed and
die for a nation that has persistently denied us an equal right to life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
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