Reparations:
the debt we owe
With the debate
over reparations heating up around the country, it seems appropriate to bring to the
attention of this nation the history of the reparations debate, which has become one of
Americas oldest and best-held secrets. And all who take sides today should be
informed of how this struggle over the fate of ex-slaves resulted in the first impeachment
of an American president.
In the aftermath of the Civil War, Andrew Johnson-a Democrat from Tennessee who inherited
the presidency after Lincolns assassination-began a political war with the
Radical Republicans in Congress that sparked the reparations debate that still
continues to this day. Americas BIGGEST secret is that Andrew Johnson was impeached
because of his efforts to return both the power and the newly freed slaves back over to
the South rather than protect them and welcome them as citizens of the United States.
In the wake of a bitter Civil War, the Union states had huge problems facing them, but
none larger than the question of what to do with the ex-slaves, which were called
freedmen. The Radical Republicans, fearing for the safety of the freedmen,
ordered the Southern states to be controlled under martial law. But Congress understood
the ex-slaves needed more than just protection. So, under the umbrella of the U.S. Army,
Congress established a Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands. This Bureau would
handle the transitioning of the ex-slaves into a new life of independence. It would lease
abandoned and unoccupied lands in parcels of 40 acres. It would provide clothing, food,
and temporary shelter, build schools and educate ex-slaves. It would protect the newly
freed populations from the backlash of Southerners. It would provide counsel, act as a
labor union for those seeking work, and become the banking institutions for freedmen. The
Freedmens Bureau would become the only place for ex-slaves to turn.
But faced with an overwhelming number of ex-slaves requiring aid, this Bureau found itself
needing rapid expansion and increased funds to accomplish the job for which it was
designed. And it was this proposed expansion that allowed Andrew Johnson to thwart the
efforts of the Radical Republicans and the Army to help the ex-slaves. The expansion bill,
proposed by Senator Trumbill, also included the appropriation of 3,000,000 acres of
unoccupied land in the states of Florida, Arkansas, and Mississippi that would
be distributed in 40-acre parcels.
Johnson vetoed the measure.The Radical Republicans attempted to override the veto but did
not have enough votes.That was the beginning of the end for the Freedmens Bureau.
Still, Congress continued to fight to level the playing field in the South-where 600,000
Whites had the advantage over 4,000,000 ex-slaves. In an effort to eliminate the notion
that the freedmen were only three-fifths of a person, Republicans introduced the Civil
Rights Act of 1866. This act would outlaw the mistreatment of ex-slaves and provide them
with the same rights as every other citizen.
Johnson vetoed the Act. But this time Congress overrode the veto. Then Congress introduced
the 14th Amendment, which welcomed the freedmen into the country as new citizens and
provided stipulations that the Southern states agree to it or not be re-admitted. Johnson
vetoed it. Congress overrode it.Congress then submitted the Reconstruction Act of 1867,
which instituted an official state of martial law in all Southern states that did not
comply with the 14th Amendment.
Johnson vetoed it. Congress overrode it. Talk of impeachment began at that point. Next,
Congress initiated the Tenure of Office Act, which was proposed in order to protect Edwin
Stanton, the Secretary of War, who was in charge of the military and its supervision of
the Freedmens Bureau and the martial law imposed on the Southern states.
Johnson vetoed the measure. Congress overrode it. Seething, Johnson discovered a way to rid
himself of Stanton, whom the Radical Republicans regarded as their trusty outpost in
the camp of the enemy. So, when Congress was out of session, Johnson suspended
Stanton. But when the Senate returned in January of 1868, they immediately reinstated him
by a vote of 35-6. Johnson had had enough. On February 21, 1868, he fired the Secretary of
War-the one person in charge of the militarys involvement in protecting the freedmen
and overseeing the Freedmens Bureau, which was all the ex-slaves had to depend upon.
Three days later, Congress responded by impeaching the president on a House vote of
126-47. Johnson was tried by the Senate and escaped removal from office by a single
vote.The war with the Democrats over the destiny of ex-slaves raged on through the early
1900s, and at the height of the modern-day Civil Rights Movement, the Republicans
introduced the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which added even more support to their 100-year
old legislative battle. This time, their enemy was another Democrat from
Tennessee
Senator Al Gore Sr., whose Gore Amendment threatened to derail
the Act.
They defeated him too (75-24). Today, the notion that Reparations is an issue between
Blacks and Whites is inaccurate. After all, millions of Blacks lived in freedom in free
states throughout the slavery era. In fact, had there not been free states, slaves would
not have had a place to run to find freedom. These states fought against the Southerners
and won the right for all Blacks to be free. These folks who fought on the battlefield and
within the halls of Congress-to the point of impeaching a president-were all White. The
folks who enslaved Blacks in the South were all White. But the U.S. government, which came
to the rescue of the slaves, and enacted legislation governing the enemy it conquered,
acted as the liberator against its Confederate enemy.
Do Reparation proponents now intend to sue the liberator of slaves? A case may be made for
suing the states that condoned slavery. A case can be made for suing those companies that
disobeyed the laws once the Confederate states agreed to return to the United States.
However, no legitimate case can be made to sue the government that not only liberated the
slaves, but, in earnest, acted to uplift the ex-slaves and provide them with the same
equal status as all other citizens.
All Blacks are not deserving of compensation for slavery. And all Whites are not guilty of
crimes against humanity. However, had the Confederate states won the Civil War, it is
likely that all states would have then become slave states. And all Black men and women
would have a case today for Reparations. Of course, that case would be moot-as it is
today-since we would all still be slaves. But we are free today. And to whom do we owe
that debt of thanks? The real debt owed to our ancestors is not one that can or should be
paid by our liberators. It is one that you and I, the descendants of slaves owe.
And that debt is paid by taking advantage of all the opportunities we have today to
succeed. Because our ancestors dreamed of a day when you and I would have the ability to
live well and pursue our dreams in a land of opportunity. That day is today. We live in
that land. And it is time to pay the debt of gratitude we owe by living up to the
expectations of our ancestors.
Mike Green (Black conservative columnist, contributing writer to the National Center for
Public Policy and Research in Was
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